摘要
金門與台灣隔著台灣海峽,比鄰而居。然而戰地政務對金門長達三十六年,限制地區發展,一直到一九九三年開放地方選舉,賦予公民投票權,各方風起雲湧,地方生態產生巨大轉變。
因此,本文主要奠基在「台灣民主化將改變金門地方政治生態」,從政治發展、菁英研究、制度研究、地方派系等四個途徑,使用文獻分析與調查訪談方法,
試圖回答:
一、金門宗親會的發展以及對地方選舉影響;
二、金門旅台同鄉會的發展以及對地方選舉影響;
三、金門是否存在派系;四、金門政治生態的轉變。
結果顯示,
一、宗親會的發展,陳姓相較於李姓有27座宗祠、92個聚落、13種燈號、21個宗親會、人口數占全縣12.24%、選舉區較為分散。對地方選舉,陳姓宗親會具有選舉「提名」與「動員」的功能;
二、旅台同鄉會的發展,在全台19個同鄉會,登記會員數共19,651人、8個縣(市)擁有自己的會館、在170次理事長選舉中以台中市浯江金門同鄉會屆數最長共17屆、理事長為大(小)金門人比例為8:2、全台100位理事長中以金沙鎮34位最多、調查二十六位理事長中僅四位理事長不受宗族影響、旅台各理事長陳姓李姓支持約6:4。旅台金門同鄉會具有選舉「動員」的功能;
三、金門從七屆縣長選舉,宗族與同鄉會動員過程中,顯示兼顧政治與經濟利益,同時存在地方派系;四、金門地方政治生態將因人口移動與不在籍投票,從宗親「血緣」變遷,走向同鄉會「地緣」關係。
在七屆縣長選舉比較性研究中發現,地區投票率呈現遞減、人口數(包括選舉人數與投票數)呈現遞增、宗親曾發生二次同姓分裂競選、性別比例以男性為主。
Kinmen and the main island of Taiwan (hereinafter referred to as “Taiwan”) are located next to each other across the Taiwan Strait. However, due to the 36-year implementation of the war zone administrative policy, local developments in Kinmen had been restricted until 1993, when Kinmen held its first local elections and its citizens gained the rights to vote. Since then, political activity has got into full swing across the county, and its local political ecology has undergone tremendous changes.
Therefore, based on the assumption that “the democratization of Taiwan will change the local political ecology in Kinmen,” this study examines four aspects – namely, political development, research on elites, research on institutions, and local factions – using the methods of literature analysis and interview surveys. It attempts to shed light on the following issues: (1) the developments of clan associations in Kinmen and their influences on local elections; (2) the developments of Kinmen hometown associations in Taiwan and their influences on local elections; (3) whether factions exist in Kinmen; (4) the changes in Kinmen’s political ecology.
Research results are shown as follows: (1) As regards the development of clan associations, compared to the clan of Li, the clan of Chen has 27 ancestral halls, 92 settlements, 13 types of “Lantern Titles” and 21 clan associations. 12.24% of the population of the Kinmen County comes from the clan of Chen, and they spread across larger numbers of electoral districts. The clan associations of Chen serve the functions of “nomination” and “mobilization” in local elections. (2) In terms of the developments of Kinmen hometown associations in Taiwan, there are 19 Kinmen hometown associations across Taiwan, with 19,651 registered members, and clan centers in 8 counties (cities). Among the 170 chairman elections, the Wujiang Kinmen Association of Taichung was elected for 17 times, spending the longest time in office. The ratio of chairmen from Greater Kinmen to those from Lesser Kinmen is 8:2. Among the 100 chairmen throughout Taiwan, 34 of them come from Jinsha Township, forming the largest group. Among the 26 chairmen interviewed, only 4 are not under the influences of clans. Of all the chairmen in Taiwan, the ratio of those receiving support from the clan of Chen to those receiving support from the clan of Li is around 6:4. The Kinmen hometown associations in Taiwan carry out the function of “mobilization” in elections. (3) During the mobilization process of the seven magistrate elections, it was shown that the clans and hometown associations took both political and economic interests into account, while factions existed at the same time. (4) Due to population movements and absentee ballots, the local political ecology in Kinmen has pivoted from the “blood relations” within clans, to the “geographic relations” within hometown associations.
The comparative research on the seven magistrate elections has shown that, the local voter turnover rate has been decreasing, while the population (including the number of voters and that of votes cast). In addition, two elections saw candidates from the same clan competing against each other. As for the gender ratio, these elections were dominated by males.
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